Colorado State University
Theory Grounds Practice and Programs
Student Development Theory serves as the foundation of student affairs
work (Rodgers, 1989; Knefelkamp, Widick & Parker 1978; Miller, Winston [
Mendenhall, 1983). Drum (1980) defines student development as "a process in
which an individual undergoes a number of changes toward more complex
behavior that result from mastering the increasingly demanding challenges of
life." Transformation occurs, according to Drum, toward more complex behaviors
and changes in the way a student views and interacts with his/her world.
A number of theorists have contributed to the body of knowledge about
student development, including: Chickering (1969), Perry (1970), Kohlberg
(1969), Erikson (1968), Heath (1968), and Sanford (1962). In the 20 or more
years since their work first appeared it has gained widespread acceptance by
practitioners of student affairs. Drum (1980) and Barr, Keating and Associates
(1985) assert the importance of campus programs which are driven, intentionally
or otherwise, by our understanding of development during the college years.
This paper suggests that traditional theories of student development do not
adequately reflect the experiences or needs of men. It goes on to propose a new
approach to understanding and serving men in college based upon the perspective
of campus ecology.
Critique of Theories
Of the prevailing theories of student development mentioned above all
were offered by men and most were based upon research and observations of
male college students. In the case of Chickering, for example, his population was
drawn from a study of students at small, liberal arts colleges in the 1960's. These
institutions were attended by mostly privileged men and women from
upper-middle class backgrounds. Kohlberg and Perry did much of their research
on a similar, all-male population at Harvard.
Criticism has been levied, as a result of these facts, that points to
problems with existing theories of student development (Gilligan, 1982; Belenky,
Clinchy, Goldberger, & Tarule, 1986, for example). They reflect what Schaef
(1981) refers to as the "white male system" which neglects female, Black,
Chicano, Asian-American and Native-American systems. It also negates any
deviation by men from this system which is sustained by a set of "myths"
(p.7-20). Clearly, the limited purview of student development theory is a
weakness to the credibility and effectiveness of student affairs practice.
More recently, questions have been raised about the effects of this male
bias on the very men who might appear to be its beneficiaries. May (1988) writes
that "changing gender roles are dramatically effecting the college experience of
male students. " Scher, Canon and Stevens (1988) examine college men, male
student affairs professionals and the collegiate environment in offering some new
perspectives on masculinity on campus. They explore the growing "gender role
strain" as it is manifest in behaviors and attitudes such as rape, homophobia,
career choice, relationships and academic achievement. The work mentioned
above is an example of the growing challenges to traditional conceptions of
development of male college students.
Ecological Re-evaluation of Theory for Men
Campus Ecology (Banning, 1978) offers a model for intervention based
upon the interaction of students and the college environment. Its strengths in the
use of redesigning campus programs (ecosystems) with sensitivity to gender are
explained by Wedge (1983) as: Diversity-necessary for the integrity of an
ecosystem; the design process depends on access of all persons to participate;
Valuing-this initial step in the process ensures that common values are
established at the outset of making change; Flexibility-this feature of the
ecosystem design process will facilitate its use in developing new theories and in
changing campuses which are at various points in their own development;
Non-hierarchical-a leaderless approach models new behavior in a white male
system; Developmental Tool-Wedge reaffirms the effectiveness of the ecosystem design process in addressing issues of development. The design process employed in campus ecology will thus be useful in establishing a new understanding of
student development as it relates to men.
The underlying premise of campus ecology says that behavior is a
function of person (student) interacting with environment (campus). This can be
expressed with the equation B = f(P, E). In this case, the desired behavior is male
college students who are free of gender role strain and able to be more fully
developed human beings (due to a shift away from traditional theories of student
development). Attention must thus be paid to altering the existing environment to
promote and nurture the changes of men in college.
Blocher (1978) suggests three subsystems of campus ecology that promote
effective learning environments such as those needed to confront the existing
theories of development and their effects on men. These subsystems are:
opportunity, support and reward. For each case, there are interventions which will
assist in reformulating our understanding of the development of men.
Opportunity: At the very root of traditional gender role development is the socialization process throughout the lifespan and particularly in high school and college. Opportunities must be made available through tasks which allow young
boys and college men to try out experiences which are different from our
preconceived notions of development. As new competence and control is
developed males can reach a clear sense of their identity which is not dictated by
traditional theories.
Support: Academic programs and student services must supplement
familial practices to support new conceptions of male development. On another
level, graduate preparation programs in student affairs must challenge the
existing theory base regarding college men in order to provide a stronger basis for
this support.
Reward: Student affairs staff need to be prepared to handle the changing college male. In addition, new research must be conducted to provide theories and further understand them. And we must continue to advocate change and
implement campus (ecosystem) redesign to confront the sexism inherent in our
campuses .
The spirit of the growing men's movement, which began less than two decades ago, can be characterized in the words of the Berkeley Men's Center Manifesto (1973) which begins:
"We, as men, want to take back our full humanity. We no longer want to strain to live up to an impossible oppressive masculine image - strong, silent, cool, handsome, unemotional, successful, master of women, leader of men, wealthy, brilliant, athletic and "heavy."The emergence of this movement corresponds with the work of the developmental theorists cited above. And, just as men are changing in our society, our theory base must also change with the times. The concepts of campus ecology provide an excellent tool for initiating this shift in our understanding and practice.
Editor's Note. Douglas Gertner is Program Coordinator for the Office of Housing and Food Services at Colorado State University. Mr. Gertner is also a Ph.D.
candidate at the University of Northern Colorado and is frequently called upon
for workshops and classes in the area of men's issues.
References
Banning, J.H. (1978) (ed.) Campus ecology: A perspective for student affairs.
Cincinnati: National Association of student Personnel Administrators.
Barr, M. J., Keating, L.A. & Associates (eds.) (1985) Developing effective
student services programs. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.
Belenky, M.F., Clinchy, B.M., Goldberger, N.R., and Tarule, J.M. (1986).
Womens Ways of Knowing. New York: Basic Books.
Blocher, D .H . (1978) "Campus learning environments and the ecology of student
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student affairs. Cincinnati: National Association of Student Personnel
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Chickering, A. (1969). Education and identity San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.
Drum, D. J. (1980) "Understanding ." In W.H. Morrill, J.C. Hurst, E.R. Oetting
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Gilligan, C. (1982) In a different voice. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University
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Discussion of the topic of behavior and the built environment often starts
by making reference to the Winston Churchill statement that we shape our
buildings and then they shape us. This observation leads to the question of what
role buildings play in student behavior. This question can be pursued from an
ecological perspective by looking at the major issue embedded in the building
and behavior relationship.
Major Issue
The major issue that must be addressed is the nature of the influence that
architecture may have on behavior. In the literature, the nature of this influence
has been conceptualized by three positions (Bell, Fisher, Baum, & Greene, 1990;
Porteus, 1977). First, architectural determinism suggests that there is a rather direct and causal link between the built environment and behavior. A second
position, environmental or architectural possibilism views the building as one that offers opportunities and sets limits for behavior. This relationship is denoted by context rather than determinism. Finally, environmental or architectural probabilism assumes that certain behaviors have probabilistic links to the built environment.
While all three positions offer insight into the relationship between
buildings and behavior, to assume the position of architectural determinism
suggests buildings have a direct and causal link to behavior. This position,
however, does not do justice to the complexities of the environment, the
complexities of behavior, nor the diversity of the students. It fails to capture the
transactional relationship between buildings, students, and behavior, that is, it
fails to sort out the complex social and psychological factors associated with built
spaces (Porteus, 1977).
To view the relationship in terms of possibilities and probabilities,
however, not only appears more realistic; it also captures our intuitive notion that
campus buildings can make a difference in the lives of students.
Behaviors and Buildings
What are the important behaviors that can be influenced by the
architecture of the building? Deasy and Lasswell (1985), an architect and
sociologist respectively, outline eight behavioral categories that can be influenced
by architecture. These categories have direct application to the campus
environment. Deasy and Lasswell, list these as follows: (1) friendship formation;
(2) group membership; (3) personal space; (4) personal status; (5) territoriality (6)
communications; (7) cue searching; and (8) personal safety.
In other words, the architecture can make possible and increase
probability of friendship and group involvement by designing spaces that bring
people together. Personal needs of privacy and personalization can also be
impacted by the architecture. Students like all of us seek private and personal
spaces that they can retreat to and call their own. Some spaces facilitate
communication among students and other space arrangements often hinder
important communications. Classrooms can often be seen from this framework.
Cue searching or wayfinding is the notion that the architecture can help us
navigate the campus. The architecture can either confuse us or guide us. Finally,
architecture of "doors'' can either increase or decrease the probability of being
safe.
Given the influence that architecture has on important student behaviors,
then Deasy and Lasswell's suggestion that all building/program plans of new
construction or renovations should carry what they call "behavioral program"
makes for good student affairs practice.
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